In this episode, we try out a very different format than what we've done before.

Jared moves from the theory of incentives into real-world case studies showing how incentive structures can produce dramatically good or bad outcomes.

The episode begins with Britain’s late-18th-century convict transports to Australia. Ship captains were initially paid based on how many prisoners they loaded, not how many arrived alive and healthy. The result was catastrophic. When payment was later tied to successful delivery, mortality dropped sharply without any major technological breakthrough. The incentives changed, so the behavior changed.

Jared then examines Wells Fargo’s cross-selling scandal, Sears’ auto repair quotas, and the incentive chain that contributed to the 2008 financial crisis. In each case, people optimized for what the system rewarded—new accounts, repair revenue, loan volume, fees, or short-term production—even when those measures became disconnected from the actual purpose.

The episode turns to examples of incentives working well: Alcoa aligning its organization around worker safety, FedEx rewarding completion rather than hours worked, and the GI Bill incentivizing veterans toward education, home ownership, and business creation.

The recurring lesson is simple but powerful: people optimize around incentives. Good systems align rewards with the outcome actually desired. Bad systems reward a proxy, short-term result, or activity that eventually undermines the larger purpose.

Detailed Sequential Outline

I. Why Stories Matter for Understanding Incentives

  • (0:16) From Theory to Examples: Jared picks up from Episode 029, where incentives were defined as powerful drivers of behavior. Understanding them allows us not only to predict outcomes but also to shape systems toward better ones.
  • (1:16) Learning to See the Pattern: The goal of this episode is to use historical business examples to train the listener’s eye—to notice the rules, rewards, penalties, and cost-benefit structures pushing people in certain directions.

II. The Death Fleet: When Payment Rewarded the Wrong Outcome

  • (1:54) Convicts Bound for Australia: After Britain lost the American colonies, it began transporting prisoners to Australia. The trip took roughly six to eight months and was long, dangerous, and resource-intensive. Private ship captains contracted with the government to handle the transport.
  • (4:28) Paid at Departure: Captains were paid based on the number of prisoners loaded onto their ships. The government required proper equipment and provisions, but the contracts did not meaningfully tie payment to how many prisoners arrived alive and healthy.
  • (5:29) The 1790 Death Fleet: The Surprise, Neptune, and Scarborough carried roughly 1,000 convicts. Because revenue was fixed at departure, the captains had little financial incentive to spend scarce food, water, space, and medical resources keeping prisoners healthy. Hundreds died from neglect, starvation, disease, and brutal conditions.
  • (8:10) A Massive Difference in Mortality: Across the three ships, roughly a quarter of the prisoners died, compared with only a few percent on a similarly sized fleet the prior year. The crews and guards survived at normal rates, making clear that the voyage itself was not the main explanation.
  • (10:05) Change the Contract, Change the Result: The government responded with tighter oversight and better provisions, but the most important change was tying payment more closely to the successful delivery of healthy prisoners. Mortality returned to low single digits as captains suddenly became far more concerned with food, sanitation, exercise, and health.
  • (11:33) The Incentive Structure Was the Difference: Technology did not suddenly improve, nor did the route become easier. What changed was who bore the cost of failure and what behavior was rewarded. The original contract did not create cruelty, but it rewarded indifference and removed much of its cost.

III. Wells Fargo: When the Metric Replaces the Purpose

  • (12:57) “Eight Is Great”: Wells Fargo built a major strategy around cross-selling additional financial products to existing customers. Cross-selling itself was not the problem; deepening a customer relationship can benefit both the bank and the customer.
  • (14:35) Aggressive Daily Quotas: Employees were measured heavily on new products sold, with bonuses, promotions, reviews, and even job security connected to hitting aggressive sales targets.
  • (15:57) Optimizing for the Number: Employees began opening accounts without permission, applying for unauthorized credit cards, moving money between accounts, creating fake email addresses, and sometimes forging signatures. The organization had rewarded product openings rather than useful products that actually served customers.
  • (17:06) Millions of Unauthorized Accounts: The scandal eventually involved millions of accounts, thousands of employee firings, hundreds of millions in penalties, the CEO’s resignation, and long-lasting regulatory restrictions.
  • (18:15) The Strategy Was Not the Tragedy: Cross-selling was not inherently unethical. The problem was that the measurement and incentive became disconnected from the real purpose. Employees optimized exactly what they were told to optimize: the number of products opened.

IV. Sears Auto Repair: Reward People for Finding Problems and They Will Find Them

  • (19:19) A Profitable Business Tries to Become More Profitable: Sears operated one of the country’s largest auto repair businesses and introduced aggressive sales goals and incentive compensation for mechanics and service advisors.
  • (20:34) Mechanics Could Not Control Demand: Mechanics did not control which broken vehicles arrived at the shop, yet their compensation and evaluation depended heavily on the dollar amount of repairs performed.
  • (21:20) Suddenly Everything Needed Repair: The predictable result was widespread recommendations for unnecessary brakes, shocks, alignments, fluid flushes, tires, batteries, and other work. If technicians were not finding problems, they themselves had a problem meeting their quotas.
  • (22:45) Sears Did Not Need to Order Fraud: The company did not explicitly tell employees to deceive customers. It simply rewarded repair sales above almost everything else. When an expert is paid to find problems and punished for not finding them, that expert can become remarkably good at finding problems.

V. The 2008 Financial Crisis: An Entire Chain of Misaligned Incentives

  • (23:41) Misalignment at Every Level: Jared describes the financial crisis not as one bad incentive but as a chain of them involving borrowers, brokers, banks, investment firms, rating agencies, regulators, and investors.
  • (24:18) Borrowers and Mortgage Originators: Rising home prices encouraged buyers to stretch for houses, use little money down, refinance repeatedly, and accept risky adjustable-rate mortgages. Brokers and lenders were often paid for loan volume rather than whether borrowers could actually repay.
  • (25:26) Quantity Over Quality: Banks rewarded employees for producing more loans, underwriting standards declined, and lenders often sold mortgages quickly into the secondary market. They collected fees at origination while transferring the long-term risk elsewhere.
  • (25:54) Wall Street and the Rating Agencies: Investment banks earned fees bundling mortgages into increasingly complex securities. Rating agencies were paid by the companies whose products they rated, giving them an incentive to provide favorable ratings or risk losing the business to a competitor.
  • (27:14) Almost Nobody Owned the Long-Term Outcome: The system rewarded more loans, more deals, more securities, more fees, more market share, and bigger bonuses. Almost nobody was rewarded for asking whether the borrower could still make the payment years later.
  • (27:54) Risk Was Continually Handed Off: Nearly everyone was paid at the point where risk transferred to someone else. Eventually, that “someone else” became nearly everyone. Failures of ethics and intelligence mattered, but incentives magnified those failures across the entire system.

VI. Alcoa: Aligning Incentives Around a Leading Indicator

  • (29:19) Zero Injuries: When Paul O’Neill became CEO of Alcoa in 1987, he made worker safety the company’s top priority and set a goal of zero injuries. Investors initially questioned whether he understood the business.
  • (30:12) Safety Changed the System: Faster reporting, better maintenance, cleaner plants, standardized processes, and incentives for employees to report problems created a much stronger safety culture.
  • (30:50) Better Safety, Better Company: Injuries fell dramatically, while Alcoa’s earnings and market value grew enormously during O’Neill’s tenure.
  • (31:16) Safety as a Leading Indicator: Jared does not claim safety alone caused the profits. Instead, a factory capable of preventing injuries is also likely to communicate better, maintain equipment, solve problems faster, reduce waste, and produce more consistently. The safety incentive improved the system far beyond safety itself.

VII. FedEx: Pay for the Outcome, Not the Clock

  • (32:23) The Overnight Sorting Problem: FedEx’s early overnight delivery model depended on packages being sorted and loaded at its Memphis hub before planes departed each morning. Crews repeatedly failed to finish on time despite training, supervision, meetings, and process changes.
  • (34:16) Employees Were Paid by the Hour: The night crews were rewarded for working their scheduled hours, not for completing the sorting operation. Finishing early could actually mean fewer hours and less pay.
  • (35:09) Change What Gets Rewarded: FedEx changed the structure so crews were paid for completing the entire job and could leave once the packages were correctly sorted and loaded.
  • (35:42) The Result Was Predictable: Productivity jumped, sorting finished on time, and departures became reliable. No major technological breakthrough occurred. The incentive finally matched the desired outcome.

VIII. The GI Bill: Incentivizing Investment Instead of Consumption

  • (36:57) Millions of Veterans Return Home: After World War II, nearly 16 million American service members needed to transition back into civilian life.
  • (37:15) Rewards Tied to Building: Rather than simply handing veterans cash, the GI Bill strongly subsidized education, training, home ownership, and business creation through tuition benefits, stipends, and government-backed loans.
  • (38:00) Durable Returns: Educational attainment, home ownership, earnings, entrepreneurship, and workforce skill increased dramatically as millions of veterans invested in themselves and participated in the postwar economy.
  • (38:51) Rewarding What Came Next: Rather than merely compensating veterans for what they had already done, the system rewarded what they were willing to build next. The incentives aligned the interests of veterans, employers, communities, government, and the broader economy.

IX. The World Reorganizes Around Incentives

  • (39:34) The Patent System: Jared briefly points to patents as another example of a system designed to reward innovation while eventually making inventions available for wider public benefit.
  • (40:19) Look for Incentives Before Conspiracy: Good and bad outcomes are not always best explained by unusually good or evil people. Often they are ordinary people responding to the system around them.
  • (41:09) Incentives Reshape Systems: People do not merely respond to incentives; organizations and entire systems eventually reorganize themselves around what is rewarded.
  • (41:17) Next Episode: The next episode moves from incentives themselves into alignment of interest—whether the incentives, people, costs, and rewards are all pointed toward the same beneficial outcome.
  • (41:47) Personal Note: Jared wishes Alecia, his wife and editor, a happy birthday after giving her an episode largely free from editing duties.

030 - True Stories of Incentives